When someone first alerted yours sincerely that
Wednesday afternoon (September 7) that the much-awaited Edo 2016
governorship poll would be shifted, I thought it was the most insensate
idea to propose. Yet to be fully dismantled at the iconic Sam Ogbemudia
Stadium was the giant canopy under which President Buhari stood barely
24 hours earlier in what was thought to be the final mega rally to rouse
the Edo electorate to vote APC in the scheduled September 10 election.
Elsewhere in Benin 24 hours earlier, the Markafi-led faction of
the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) had also staged a "grand rally" in a
hall.
Barely an hour after Buhari's jet took off that Tuesday evening, the
chairman of the Independent Electoral Commission, Professor Mahmood
Yakubu, landed the Benin airport aboard Arik Air’s Boeing 737 aircraft
from Abuja into the waiting arms of his henchmen right at the tarmac.
Besides, for days, columns of troops in battle gears had been
mounting the customary "show of force" round key urban centres across
Edo State to scare prospective troublemakers. Even as the police
headquarters in Abuja announced the deployment of a whopping 25,000-man
contingent for the exercise.
Against this backcloth, one would think INEC had passed the point of
no return as far as the September 10 date was concerned. Alas, what
eventually prevailed were the words of the police and the DDS that the
election be deferred to September 28.
Typically, the blame game followed next between the security agencies and INEC.
Given the hazy circumstances, some commentators were inclined to
smell conspiracy over the postponement. On the contrary, I see tardiness
on the part of the relevant state institutions. The controversy could
have been avoided if each one was alive to its duty.
My first take-away is that the biggest casualty is perhaps no other than President Buhari himself. That the commander-in-chief could grace a rally and twenty hours later the security services would suddenly wake up and say the election could not hold leaves the dark impression that he was denied the benefit of proper pre-briefing on the security situation. Which is a monumental scandal indeed.
My first take-away is that the biggest casualty is perhaps no other than President Buhari himself. That the commander-in-chief could grace a rally and twenty hours later the security services would suddenly wake up and say the election could not hold leaves the dark impression that he was denied the benefit of proper pre-briefing on the security situation. Which is a monumental scandal indeed.
From what is now known, it is clear the security agencies had become
aware of the security concern much earlier. Contending interests had
raised the alarm on the infiltration of the state by undesirable
elements. Last week, the security agencies only hinted on possible Boko
Haram strike on soft targets in some locations across the country
including Edo. But before then, their attention had been drawn to clear
and present threat posed by political desperadoes in Edo.
For instance, apart from rampart reports of some identified party
leaders being caught conducting voters' registration illegally in their
private residences, the Edo State Government had accused the five PDP
states in the South-South sub-region of planning to bringing militants
to storm the state and unleash mayhem on the D-Day, particularly in Edo
North and Edo South, considered the strongholds of the sitting APC.
The cold calculation behind such ploy should be understood. By Edo's
electoral map, whereas the Bini-speaking Edo South accounts for 56
percent of the close to 2 million registered voters, Edo North boasts of
29 percent as against the Esan-speaking Edo Central with 15 percent and
is perceived the only comfort zone for PDP.
While addressing the rally for the factional candidate of PDP in
Benin penultimate Tuesday, visiting Governor Nyesom Wike, who has built a
fearsome reputation as a jungle expert since his rise on the political
scene in Rivers State, was quoted as urging the faithful to "follow them
bumper-to-bumper" on the D-Day. (I am told that is a coded statement.)
The puzzle then: wasn't Buhari brought into the loop on the sit-rep before his trip to Benin that Tuesday?
Two, given that the security agencies were alerted to the threat
weeks ahead, how come nothing seemed to have been done by way of
preemption? Or, are the militants mightier than the combined strength of
our security services?
To begin with, it should not be the remit of the Inspector General
and the DSS boss to directly address the nation on the security threat
to the election. Their observations ought to be directed to the National
Security Adviser who should have briefed the president even days ahead
of the pre-scheduled rally in Benin. Therefore, if a world press
conference would be held to break such weighty news to the nation at
all, the host should be the INEC chairman, possibly flanked by the IG
and the DSS boss.
Instead, what the nation was confronted with penultimate Wednesday
was a fait accompli of sorts. Ironically, whereas the security chiefs,
through their respective spokesmen, were busy raising the red flag at a
packed news conference in Abuja, the INEC chairman was holding court
simultaneously with the parties and other stakeholders in Benin and it
was decided that the elections should proceed.
If further evidence of official dereliction is still required on this
matter, the level of complicity can be measured with the harvest of
arrests made in the belated raids carried out in the past few days. By
the account of the police themselves, no fewer than 54 suspected
militants from the Niger Delta were rounded up within three days from
various locations in the Edo South. Dangerous items including AK-47
rifles and N9m cash were allegedly found on them.
Tellingly, some of the arrests were made at a 2-star hotel located
near the Benin airport belonging to the Igbinedion family. Following
their arrest, Chief Gabriel Igbinedion, one of PDP's surviving
godfathers, reportedly made a spirited attempt to secure their release
from police detention, pleading they were guests invited to his 82th
birthday celebration. What a loyal host the Esama chose to be. But the
puzzle is: when did AK-47 become an ornament to be brought to an Owambe
(Obitos in Bini) ceremony? Was it for a 82-gun salute or what?
Clearly, the financial burden the postponement invariably inflicts on
everyone is better imagined. Not only INEC will have to incur costs;
the parties themselves have to shop for additional cash to fund the
extended campaigns. Hundreds of election observers, some of whom came
from abroad and had already arrived Benin, had to alter their itinerary.
Part of the initial argument raised against the September 10 date was
that it coincided with the day Maths was to be written in the ongoing
General Certificate of Education (GCE) exams. Now, fresh protest has
been made that subjects like Physics are to be written by some students
on September 28! Added to that is a significant fixture on the cultural
calendar of the Bini Kingdom. September 26 had been pre-scheduled for
the coronation of a new Oba.
The Benin palace had earlier deferred to the political authority by
fixing the epochal event more than two weeks after the date INEC
originally announced for the poll. Given the hurly burly that usually
defines the polling process, holding election barely forty-eight hours
after the crowning of a new Oba would be considered culturally
anomalous, if not abominable, by the Bini traditionalists. Now, the
palace has to endure the inconveniences of making new arrangement for
another date.
Again, tardiness was on display when INEC unilaterally fixed
September 28, a working day, as the new election date. I am reliably
told that the authorities at the Dennis Osadebey Avenue in Benin City
were not consulted before the announcement. Yet, the concurrence of the
state government is required to declare not only that Wednesday a
holiday but also the preceding Tuesday, to allow workers who registered
in their villages ample time to relocate from the urban centres.
Not surprising, apparently unable to think up new lines to woo
voters, the two main parties in the race have since resorted to trading
pure insults and bile for the remaining days. Never in history has Edo
witnessed an election which language was this vile. Surely, uncommon
season breeds rare creatures. Suddenly, some strange masquerades are
beginning to slither out of the raven. Emerging from his political
hiding, Lucky Igbinedion, widely acclaimed as a failed governor in the
past, finally summoned courage few days ago to publicly endorse his
erstwhile sidekick and factional PDP candidate, Osagie Ize-Iyamu. He was
quoted as boasting that, come September 28, there shall be rejoicing in
the household of the Igbinedions.
Well, it is left for Edo voters to decide who will gnash their teeth in electoral sorrow on that day!
The transformation of an ice-cream vendor
If additional exhibit was needed to prove that ex-President
Jonathan's so-called "transformation agenda" was more about filling the
pockets of a select few than fixing the country, the ongoing unraveling
of his wife's closet should suffice.
At the last count, bank accounts bearing more than $22m cash have
been traced to Mrs. Patience Jonathan, the mercurial First Lady whose
biggest contributions to nation-building (?) would undoubtedly include
the corruption of English language itself.
Her signature tune: "This blood that you people are sharing (shedding), diaris God o!"
While the nation would seem busy all the while laughing itself to
stupor at Mrs. Jonathan's grammatical infelicities, emerging reports
however suggest she was quietly smiling to the bank with sacks and sacks
of dollars.
In what should open a new chapter in larceny, the immediate past
First Lady and self-proclaimed "Mama Peace" had allegedly opened two
accounts with Skye Bank with $15m in the names of her houseboy and
driver even though she remained the sole signatory to both and sole
beneficiary of the wealth therein. To say nothing of another wondrous
N10b hotel resort in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State, which was inaugurated in
April 2015, barely five weeks to her husband's ignominious exit from
office.
Dazed by the sheer grandeur of the hospitality paradise named Aridolf Resort Wellness and Spa, not even the upscale London Financial Times could conceal its own adulation after the commissioning. Its most flattering description: "The (hotel) is an unlikely monument to kitsch... In the lobby, Louis XIV furniture is accompanied by bowls of plastic fruit, faux Dutch landscapes and a grotesquely gaudy chandelier.
Dazed by the sheer grandeur of the hospitality paradise named Aridolf Resort Wellness and Spa, not even the upscale London Financial Times could conceal its own adulation after the commissioning. Its most flattering description: "The (hotel) is an unlikely monument to kitsch... In the lobby, Louis XIV furniture is accompanied by bowls of plastic fruit, faux Dutch landscapes and a grotesquely gaudy chandelier.
"The Aridolf... is symptomatic of how superficial progress has been
in addressing the festering sense of marginalization in the region,
which remains desperately impoverished despite benefiting from a tide of
petrodollars in recent years."
But in truth, the Aridolf could not have been captured in the asset
declaration form filled by Mrs. Jonathan either in 2007 or 2011.
Regardless of the effrontery of hack writers to rehabilitate history
while the Jonathans were in power, no one could deny that Patience
started life in the humblest of circumstances in Port Harcourt. For a
woman who started married life as ice-cream vendor in the garden city of
Port Harcourt, hers must now go down as one of the most dramatic
flights from abject penury to staggering opulence in recent memory.
Before her husband's foray in public life, her last known official address was the Bayelsa civil service. (In an unprecedented act of sycophancy, Governor Seriake Dickson would at some point breach all known rules by promoting her Perm Secretary in the Bayelsa civil service in absentia while she was First Lady).
Before her husband's foray in public life, her last known official address was the Bayelsa civil service. (In an unprecedented act of sycophancy, Governor Seriake Dickson would at some point breach all known rules by promoting her Perm Secretary in the Bayelsa civil service in absentia while she was First Lady).
Even if she did not touch her pay cheques all her working life, there
is no way all her savings could have paid for even the sand-filling of
the swamp where Aridolf is erected. So, the puzzle: how much gold or
barrels of crude oil did she sell to come by the hotel? As First Lady,
one malfeasance she was often accused of was merchandising access to her
husband. Could Aridolf possibly be part of the proceeds of that racket?
Ever so forthright, Mama Peace did not deny ownership of the fat Skye
bank accounts. On the contrary, she, without shame or fear of God or
man, has slammed a N200m suit on her bankers for, according to her,
divulging the details of what she assumed was a confidential banking
relationship.
Audacious still, she blamed the "mix-up" of her name with those of
her aforementioned domestic aides on the bank. But she conveniently
chose to be silent on how she continued to service and draw on the
accounts without her BVN in consonant with the rule imposed when her
husband was president.
If nothing at all, the unraveling of Mrs. Jonathan also clearly
speaks to the complicity of the regulatory authority. Holders of small
accounts could be excused. But it is quite indefensible that Skye Bank
incubated Patience's multi-billionaire travesty for so long until the
bubble burst. To the public, banks often make a song and dance of "know
your customer" engagements. How come a driver and a houseboy fronted for
the First Lady in her accounts for so long without any alarm bell
ringing anywhere? Whose thumbprint was taken or passport photograph
entered? Each time a demand was made on the accounts, were the picture,
signature and thumbprint cross-matched?And now the most cynical
emotional blackmail - Patience's publicists are saying that the bulk of
close to $1m she raked up on her VISA Platinum Credit Card was on
medicare abroad. But, pray, whatever happened to the endless list of
hospitals often touted on NTA those days as "transformed" to glittering
centers of medical excellence under Jonathan? Are we now to believe it
was all lies to also swindle the nation?
In the early days of the Yar'Adua administration, the story is often
told of how Jonathan was thoroughly "marginalized" as Vice President,
practically left with little or nothing to "eat". Then, the usually
caustic Patience was said to have famously lamented: "All they leave my
husband to do in office is reading newspapers."
By going on a binge after Jonathan providentially ascended the throne
as president in May 2010, perhaps Mama Peace was only trying to make up
for the deprivation of those early days.
Wherever she campaigned for PDP last year, she never tired to say her
husband must retain the presidential seat because "I don't want to be
carrying food to my husband in prison o". (An poignant innuendo at
Buhari's penchant for slamming long jail terms on politicians perceived
to be corrupt in his first incarnation as military law-giver).
Now, with the torrents of filth cascading from her closet, we can
only join Mama Peace in prayers that her worst fear doesn't become a
self-fulfilling prophecy.
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