Mr Femi Falana SAN has enjoyed unequaled public attention over the
years because of his activism and principled stand on issues. When I saw
his contribution on this padding subject which i have followed closely
since its arrival in the public domain, I naturally picked interest. I
was however shocked to read his latest piece, entitled “The criminality
of Budget Padding”. I am constrained to lament that he has done himself a
great disservice by manufacturing facts on the budget issue and making
comments solely on facts cooked up suo moto. Based on these concocted
stories dressed up as facts he posited legal comments on them rather
like a layman on the street.
He claimed that it has emerged that about twenty people sat down
after the Budget had been passed and inserted projects including
Constituency Projects into it fraudulently. The truth, from my
independent findings, is that Constituency Projects subhead or head of
expenditure was included in the President’s budget proposals to the
National Assembly as has been the practice in the last three years. It
was not originated by the National Assembly even though it has undoubted
right to do so.
I am sure that if the learned silk had adverted his legal mind to the
Acts Authentication Act , 2004, he would have discovered that the only
authority who can say authoritatively what the Senate and House of
Representatives passed is the Clerk to the National Assembly who
authenticated the copy of the Bill as correct and a true reflection of
what was passed. We know that Mr Falana, who lives in Lagos is aware of
“Oluwole Market” where fake documents are manufactured but that doesn’t
give him the right to presume that a solemn document authenticated by
the signature of the Clerk to the National Assembly is fake. The 2016
Appropriation Act has five signatories to it, Hon Abdulmumin Jibrin,
Chairman House Committee on Appropriations, Senator Danjuma Goje,
Chairman Senate Committee on Appropriations, Rt Hon Lasun Yusuf, the
Deputy Speaker who was brought in by the National Assembly leadership to
work the Executive to achieve harmony on the details of the Budget, Alh
Maikasuwa, the then Clerk to the National Assembly, and finally,
President Muhammadu Buhari, who assented to the Bill. Is Mr Falana
seriously contending that these people endorsed a fake budget? How low
can we go?
It should be noted that even Hon Abdulmumin has never claimed, in any
of his statements, that the insertions into the budget were done
outside the legitimate appropriation framework and process, his major
claim is that some people padded more than others!! You see , he cannot
say otherwise because since he, rather than even the Speaker signed the
details of the budget, after due insertions and processing as allowed by
law. if there is anything wrong with the signed budget he will be the
first culprit. The Speaker’s signature is not contained in the budget
rather it is Abdulmumin’s signature that is there!!. Indeed of the four
functionaries he is accusing, only the Deputy Speaker is a signatory.
Having disposed of the fact that Constituency projects is part of Mr
Presidents proposal, I will now interrogate another falsehood peddled by
Mr Falana. He claimed that the National Assembly has no right to change
the figures proposed by Mr President or introduce new budget items. He
made no attempt to define what the Constitution means by ‘Heads of
expenditure’. It may not be his fault altogether because Falana has
never really set foot in any legislature, even though I recall from
media reports when he was invited to address the House of
Representatives in the 7th Assembly, he apparently does not know that
the Appropriation Bill itself has a schedule that contains details of
expenditure . It is in the body of the bill itself that the heads of
expenditure are contained and even though the National Assembly can
under Section 80(4) of the Constitution determine the MANNER of
withdrawal from the Consolidated revenue Fund, and this includes
discretionary power to add to the figures and propose new line items, it
is new line items that some people confuse as heads of expenditure. In
spite of introduction of certain words from the British parliamentary
lexicon, Section 80(4), clearly has no equivalent in British
parliamentary practice which some commentators have sought to rely on.
It is indeed surprising that the utterances of Femi Falana, SAN, would
seem to suggest that he lacks basic knowledge of the laws governing the
budget and appropriation process.
The argument that any other law supersedes the Appropriation Act is
patently unfounded. If any previous enactment is inconsistent with a
later law, in this case the 2016 Appropriation Act, the later law
impliedly displaces and overrides the earlier law. It is only the
Constitution that cannot be overruled by a subsequent legislation.
It bears repeating for the umpteenth time that the 2016
AppropriationAct is a law of the Federation duly assented to by Mr
President and Mr Falana insults Mr President when he claims that he
didn’t know what he was doing when in fact he meticulously scrutinized
the Budget before assenting to it. In any case, if he did not assent to
the Bill , the National Assembly has power to override his veto.
Undoubtedly the National Assembly has primacy in the budget process as
provided in Section 59(4) of the Constitution.
Mr Falana further feigned ignorance of the provisions of Sections 3,
30 and even 24 and other enabling portions of the LEGISLATIVE HOUSES (
POWERS AND PRIVILEGES) ACT. Even though there are divergent decisions of
the Courts on the constitutionality of Section 30 of the Act , it is
clear that it applies in this context.
Permit me to set out the provisions of these sections as follows:
Section 3. “Immunity from proceedings:
No civil or criminal proceedings may be instituted against any member of a Legislative House—
(a) in respect of words spoken before that House or a committee thereof; or
(b) in respect of words written in a report to that House or to any committee thereof or in any petition, bill, resolution, motion or question brought or introduced by him therein”.
Section 3. “Immunity from proceedings:
No civil or criminal proceedings may be instituted against any member of a Legislative House—
(a) in respect of words spoken before that House or a committee thereof; or
(b) in respect of words written in a report to that House or to any committee thereof or in any petition, bill, resolution, motion or question brought or introduced by him therein”.
Section 30. “Courts not to exercise jurisdiction over acts of
President, Speaker or officer: Neither the President or Speaker, as the
case may be, of a Legislative House nor any officer of a Legislative
House shall be subject to the jurisdiction of any court in respect of
the exercise of any power conferred on or vested in him by or under this
Act or the standing orders of the Legislative House, or by the
Constitution”.
24. “Publication of certain statements and writings an offence
(1) Any person who—
(a) publishes any statement, whether in writing or otherwise, which falsely
or scandalously defames a Legislative House or any committee thereof; or
(b) publishes any writing reflecting on the character of the President or
Speaker, as the case may be, of a Legislative House or the chairman of a Committee of a Legislative House in the conduct of his duty as such President, Speaker or chairman; or
(c) publishes any writing containing a gross, wilful or scandalous
misrepresentation of the proceedings of a Legislative House or of the speech of any member in the proceedings of a Legislative House,
shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on conviction to a fine of two hundred Naira or to imprisonment for twelve months, or to both such fine and imprisonment.
(1) Any person who—
(a) publishes any statement, whether in writing or otherwise, which falsely
or scandalously defames a Legislative House or any committee thereof; or
(b) publishes any writing reflecting on the character of the President or
Speaker, as the case may be, of a Legislative House or the chairman of a Committee of a Legislative House in the conduct of his duty as such President, Speaker or chairman; or
(c) publishes any writing containing a gross, wilful or scandalous
misrepresentation of the proceedings of a Legislative House or of the speech of any member in the proceedings of a Legislative House,
shall be guilty of an offence and shall be liable on conviction to a fine of two hundred Naira or to imprisonment for twelve months, or to both such fine and imprisonment.
(2) In this section “publish”, in relation to any writing, means exhibiting in public, or causing to be read or seen, or showing or delivering, or causing to be shown or delivered, with the intent that the writing may be read or seen by any person”.
It is important to also highlight the fact that Falana’s charge of
arrogant refusal by Speaker Dogara to submit himself to security
agencies for investigation is not only faulty on point of law as
analyzed above, but indeed faulty on facts because my inquiries reveal
that, contrary to public impressions, no such agency has laid any
charges or require him to submit himself for investigation. I should
like to caution that while the general public may be forgiven for riding
with the wind of every allegation it is incumbent that a legal
practitioner enjoys no such liberty, he is bound to adopt a judicial
mind in analyzing such situations so as not to submit himself to public
misinformation and miseducation.
There is no doubt that the National Assembly did not go outside its
legitimate lawmaking powers in the processing of 2016 Budget in spite of
mischievous, ignorant and unwarranted assertions to the contrary by
some loud mouthed pundits and, unfortunately, even gullible lawyers,
with an agenda to derail the democratic gains achieved since 1999 by a
very active and assertive legislature that has withstood the autocracy
of a rampaging Executive. Attempts to weaken the legislature and render
it impotent in the face of daily struggle to curb the excesses of the
Executive on behalf of the Nigerian people ,will be regretted in due
course especially by people like Mr Femi Falana who, having committed so
much in the promotion of democracy, now appear to be aiding and
abetting this course of action.
Hon Abdulmumin Jibrin’s tirades is clearly not an anti – corruption
struggle but the tirades of a man who lost his job and is on a mission
to destroy the National Assembly and destroy Nigeria’s image in the
international community. He has become a clear and present danger to the
security and stability of the country.
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